Langworthy Brags About Introducing Bills. Only One Became Law.

How many Langworthy bills became law? Just one. Nick Langworthy is finishing his second term representing New York's 23rd Congressional District, and his campaign materials read like a legislative resume: bill after bill "introduced," "championed," and "led." What his press releases don't emphasize is the batting average. Of the more than 78 bills Langworthy has sponsored across the 118th and 119th Congresses, exactly one has been signed into law.

The One Langworthy Bill That Became Law

Credit where it's due: the SHARE IT Act (H.R. 9566, Source Code Harmonization And Reuse in Information Technology Act) is a legitimate, bipartisan good-government bill. It requires federal agencies to share custom-built software code with one another instead of paying contractors to build the same thing twice, the kind of unglamorous efficiency measure that rarely makes a campaign mailer. It passed the House unanimously, cleared the Senate with Ted Cruz carrying the companion bill, and was signed into law by President Biden on December 23, 2024.

It is, genuinely, an accomplishment. It is also the only one, out of dozens of bills Langworthy has put his name on as lead sponsor in four years in Congress, and the only bill of his to reach a president's desk did so under a Democratic administration.

Where the Rest Went

Outside the one Langworthy bill that became law, the pattern that emerges when you look past the press releases is a long list of bills introduced with fanfare that then simply stall. Some highlights from Langworthy's own sponsorship record:

The WARN Act deserves its own line, because it's the one that should sting the most. Langworthy introduced it after Winter Storm Elliott killed more than 40 people in Western New York and the Southern Tier in December 2022, many of them trapped in cars and homes while local alert systems failed to warn them in time. It's a modest bill, it just directs the GAO to study how to fix those systems, and it worked exactly as intended in the 118th Congress: it passed the House Transportation and Infrastructure Committee unanimously, then passed the full House by voice vote in December 2024. Then the 118th Congress ended before the Senate could act, and under congressional rules, that killed it. Not defeated. Not amended into something worse. Just expired, unfinished, because nobody got to it in time. Langworthy reintroduced it in February 2025 as H.R. 1076. It has been sitting in the Transportation and Infrastructure Committee ever since: a bill written in direct response to 40 deaths in his own district, that already proved it could pass the House, going nowhere for a year and a half.

The agriculture side of the ledger is its own story, and it's more nuanced than the rest of Langworthy's record. On January 10, 2025, he rolled out a seven-bill package he called a top priority for Western New York and the Southern Tier, most of it recycled from the 118th Congress, where it had already gone nowhere as part of a farm bill that never got a floor vote. Five of the seven have since gotten further than that: they were folded into the Farm, Food, and National Security Act of 2026 (H.R. 7567), which passed the House 224-200 on April 30, 2026. But "passed the House as part of a larger bill" is not the same as "became law," and the farm bill itself is now stuck: the Senate Agriculture Committee's version failed a 10-11 committee vote on August 6, 2026, leaving the whole package in limbo ahead of a September 30 farm bill deadline. The other two bills in Langworthy's package never made it that far at all.

These are, on the merits, mostly modest and uncontroversial bills: dairy pricing transparency, freeze insurance for grape growers, workforce grants. That's part of the point: none of it is stalled because it's controversial. It's stalled because introducing a bill, passing the House as part of a bigger package, and getting a president's signature are three very different things, and Langworthy's public messaging routinely collapses the distinction, while the constituents those bills are meant to help watched Langworthy vote against Medicaid and SNAP protections that would have helped them today, a pattern we've also tracked in his Energy Choice Act town hall messaging.

A Thin Record

Some of that low hit rate is structural: most bills introduced in Congress never become law, regardless of sponsor. But it's worth noting how little floor time members actually had to move anything in 2025. The House was scheduled to meet for just 135 days in 2025, well below the 2001-2023 average of 150 days a year. That's roughly one working day in three. In a chamber that spends barely a third of the calendar in session, a legislator's ability to actually shepherd a bill through committee, to the floor, and to a vote becomes even more of a scarce resource, which makes the choice of which bills to prioritize, and which to let stall, a bigger tell about where a member's real energy goes.

Why the Distinction Matters

Introducing a bill costs nothing. Any member can drop a bill in the hopper with a press release attached, and voters have no easy way to distinguish a serious legislative push from a messaging exercise unless someone tracks it. That's the gap this series exists to close: not whether Langworthy talks about legislating, but whether the legislating actually happens.

One law in four years, a software procurement bill, is a thin record to run a reelection campaign on. It doesn't mean Langworthy hasn't been active; cosponsoring 652 bills means he's voting and aligning with his conference regularly, including on the budget bill provisions that cut Medicaid and SNAP, and on constituent healthcare concerns he's brushed off in town halls. But sponsorship is the test he's chosen to be judged on, in his own press materials. By that test, the record is one for seventy-eight, a .013 average. In baseball, that's a ticket back to the minors.

Related Coverage

This fits a broader pattern we've tracked on taxpayer-funded self-promotion and Langworthy's willingness to stay silent when accountability gets uncomfortable, the gap between the messaging and the record keeps showing up.